Non-Violent Resistance Read online

  NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE (SATYAGRAHA)

  BY MAHATMA K. GANDHI

  Print ISBN 13: 978-1-4209-4990-2

  eBook ISBN: 978-1-4209-4991-9

  This edition copyright © 2014

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  CONTENTS

  EDITOR'S NOTE

  NON ENGLISH WORDS WITH THEIR MEANINGS

  SECTION FIRST: WHAT SATYAGRAHA IS

  1. SATYAGRAHA, CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE PASSIVE RESISTANCE, NON-CO-OPERATION

  2. DOMESTIC SATYAGRAHA

  3. SATYAGRAHA

  4. MEANS AND ENDS

  5. SATYAGRAHA OR PASSIVE RESISTANCE

  6. EVIDENCE BEFORE THE HUNTER COMMITTEE

  7. THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF SATYAGRAHA

  SECTION SECOND: DISCIPLINE FOR SATYAGRAHA

  8. SATYAGRAHA ASHRAM VOWS

  9. YAJNA OR SACRIFICE

  10. PROTECTING HINDUISM

  11. MORAL REQUIREMENTS FOR SATYAGRAHA

  12. CONDITIONS FOR SUCCESSFUL SATYAGRAHA

  13. NON-RETALIATION

  14. COURAGE AND DISCIPLINE NECESSARY

  15. THE NEED FOR HUMILITY

  16. WORK IN JAILS

  17. A MODEL PRISONER

  18. SATYAGRAHI PRISONER'S CONDUCT

  19. PRE-REQUISITES FOR SATYAGRAHA

  20. MY POLITICAL PROGRAMME

  21. LIMITATIONS OF SATYAGRAHA

  22. A GREAT SATYAGRAHI

  23. NEILL STATUE SATYAGRAHA

  24. A HIMALAYAN MISCALCULATION

  25. QUALIFICATIONS FOR SATYAGRAHA

  26. SOME RULES OF SATYAGRAHA

  27. FULL SURRENDER

  28. TO WEAKEN COMMUNALISM

  29. POLITICAL POWER v. SATYAGRAHA

  30. FOR 'FOLLOWERS'

  31. MAINTENANCE ALLOWANCE

  32. A NON-VIOLENT ARMY

  33. TO VOLUNTEERS

  34. REQUISITE QUALIFICATIONS

  35. QUALIFICATIONS OF A PEACE BRIGADE

  36. THE NECESSITY OF TRAINING

  37. PHYSICAL TRAINING FOR THE SATYAGRAHI

  38. BRAHMACHARYA FOR SATYAGRAHA

  39. DISCIPLINE—SATYAGRAHI AND MILITARY

  40. SCORCHED EARTH

  41. TRAINING FOR A NON-VIOLENT ARMY

  42. CONSTRUCTIVE PREPARATION

  SECTION THIRD: NON-CO-OPERATION AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  43. THE NATIONAL WEEK

  44. THE SATYAGRAHA WEEK

  45. JALIANWALA BAGH

  46. NEITHER A SAINT NOR A POLITICIAN

  47. THE LAW OF SUFFERING

  48. HOW TO WORK NON-CO-OPERATION

  49. HOW AND WHEN TO ACT

  50. AT THE CALL OF THE COUNTRY

  51. THE FIRST OF AUGUST

  52. WHO IS DISLOYAL?

  53. NON-VIOLENCE AND SWADESHI

  54. PROGRAMME FOR SATYAGRAHA

  55. THE DOCTRINE OF THE SWORD

  56. RENUNCIATION OF MEDALS

  57. NON-PAYMENT OF FINES

  58. NON-PAYMENT OF TAXES

  59. NON-PAYMENT OF TAXES

  60. BOYCOTT OF COURTS AND SCHOOLS

  61. EMPIRE GOODS BOYCOTT

  62. SOCIAL BOYCOTT

  63. SOCIAL BOYCOTT

  64. SYMPATHETIC STRIKES

  65. MORE OBJECTIONS ANSWERED

  66. ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS

  67. NON-CO-OPERATION EXPLAINED

  68. LOVE

  69. THE POET'S ANXIETY

  70. WHAT IT IS NOT

  71. THE NON-CO-OPERATION OF A SATYAGRAHI

  72. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  73. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  74. THE RIGHT OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  75. AGGRESSIVE v. DEFENSIVE

  76. MY FAITH

  SECTION FOURTH: VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  77. VYKOM

  78. VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  79. VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  80. VYKOM

  81. VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  82. VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  83. VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  84. SATYAGRAHI'S DUTY

  85. VYKOM

  86. TRUE SATYAGRAHA

  87. VYKOM SATYAGRAHA

  88. SATYAGRAHA v. COMPULSION

  89. RELIGIOUS SATYAGRAHA

  SECTION FIFTH: KHEDA AND BARDOLI

  90. THE KHEDA SATYAGRAHA

  91. BARDOLI'S DECISION

  92. BARDOLI ON TRIAL

  93. NON-CO-OPERATION OR CIVIL RESISTANCE?

  94. LIMITATIONS OF SATYAGRAHA

  95. ALL'S WELL

  96. A SIGN OF THE TIMES

  SECTION SIXTH: SALT SATYAGRAHA

  97. "NEVER FAILETH"

  98. TO ENGLISH FRIENDS

  99. WHEN I AM ARRESTED

  100. LETTER TO THE VICEROY

  101. SOME QUESTIONS & ANSWERS

  102. ON THE EVE OF THE MARCH

  103. ASHRAM DISCIPLINE DURING THE MARCH

  104. DUTY OF DISLOYALTY

  105. SOME SUGGESTIONS

  106. TURNING THE SEARCHLIGHT INWARD

  107. NOTES ON THE WAY TO DANDI

  108. REMEMBER 6TH APRIL

  109. HINDU-MUSLIM QUESTION

  110. BARBAROUS

  111. THE INHUMAN TAX

  112. A SURVEY

  113. THE BLACK REGIME

  114. PURITY IN ACCOUNT KEEPING

  115. CALM HEROISM

  116. MAHADEV DESAI AND HIS SUCCESSOR

  117. GOONDA RAJ

  118. MESSAGE TO THE NATION

  119. THE SECOND LETTER

  120. THE GREAT ARREST

  121. MORE ABOUT THE SETTLEMENT

  122. THE CONGRESS

  123. LET US REPENT

  124. POWER OF AHIMSA

  125. GOONDAISM WITHIN THE CONGRESS

  126. CONQUEST OVER BODY

  SECTION SEVENTH: INDIAN STATES SATYAGRAHA

  127. SUSPEND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  128. RAJKOT SATYAGRAHA

  129. ABOUT THE RAJKOT AWARD

  130. SUSPENSION OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  131. ITS IMPLICATIONS

  132. NON-VIOLENCE v. VIOLENCE

  SECTION EIGHTH: INDIVIDUAL SATYAGRAHA AGAINST WAR

  133. NO SUPPRESSION

  134. EVERY CONGRESS COMMITTEE A SATYAGRAHA COMMITTEE

  135. THE CHARKHA AND SATYAGRAHA

  136. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

  137. NOT YET

  138. TO THE READER

  SECTION NINTH: MISCELLANEOUS

  139. FASTING AS PENANCE

  140. THE SATYAGRAHA WAY WITH CHILDREN

  141. SATYAGRAHA—TRUE AND FALSE

  142. FAST AS AN ELEMENT IN SATYAGRAHA

  143. FAST AS PRAYER

  144. IS FAST COERCION?

  145. FAST AS THE LAST RESORT

  146. FAST AS SELF-SURRENDER

  147. REQUIREMENTS FOR SATYAGRAHA FAST

  148. COERCIVE FASTS

  149. FASTING

  150. FASTING IN SATYAGRAHA

  151. FASTING IN THE AIR

  152. TO THE WOMEN OF INDIA

  153. WOMEN IN CONFERENCE

  154. MEN'S PART

  155. NOTES

  156. HOW TO DO THE PICKETING

  157. SOME PICKETING RULES

  158. A STERN REPROOF

  159. PICKETING

  160. WHEN IS PICKETING PEACEFUL?

  161. PICKETING AND LOVE

  162. STUDENTS' NOBLE SATYAGRAHA

  163. LIMITS OF SATYAGRAHA

  164. SATYAGRAHA AGAINST THE COLOUR BAR BILL

  165. THE JEWS

  166. THE SATYAGRAHA WAY WITH CRIME

  167. SOCIALISM AND SATYAGRAHA

  SECTION TENTH: QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

  168. SOME QUESTIONS

  169. ON NON-VIOLENCE

  170. WHAT ARE BASIC ASSUMPTIONS

/>   171. BELIEF IN GOD

  172. NOT GUILTY

  173. QUESTION BOX

  174. QUESTION BOX

  175. FIVE QUESTIONS

  176. THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT

  177. WHAT CAN A SOLITARY SATYAGRAHI DO?

  178. NON-VIOLENT NON-CO-OPERATION

  179. SABOTAGE AND SECRECY

  180. SATYAGRAHA IN FACE OF HOOLIGANISM

  181. THE NON-VIOLENT SANCTION

  SECTION ELEVENTH: CONCLUSION

  182. MY FAITH IN NON-VIOLENCE

  183. THE FUTURE

  EDITOR'S NOTE

  Satyagraha means literally 'clinging to truth', and as Truth for Gandhiji was God, Satyagraha in the general sense of the word means the way of life of one who holds steadfastly to God and dedicates his life to Him. The true Satyagrahi is, accordingly, a man of God.

  Such an individual in this world finds himself up against evil, which he cannot but resist. He comes across injustice, cruelty, exploitation and oppression. These he has to oppose with all the resources at his command. In his crusade his reliance is on Truth or God; and since the greatest truth is the unity of all life, Truth can be attained only by loving service of all, i.e. by non-violence. The weapon of the Satyagrahi is therefore non-violence. Satyagraha, in the narrower sense in which it is ordinarily understood, accordingly means resisting evil through soul-force or non-violence.

  For the required soul-force the individual has to discipline himself in self-control, simplicity of life, suffering without fear or hatred, recognition of the unity of all living beings, and whole-hearted and disinterested service of one's neighbours. The vows which Gandhiji elaborated for members of his Satyagraha Ashram at Sabarmati are of interest from this point of view. They were truth, non-violence, brahmacharya, fearlessness, control of the palate, non-possession, non-stealing, bread-labour, equality of religions, anti-untouchability and swadeshi.

  Gandhiji derived his doctrine of Satyagraha from many sources. It can be traced essentially to the Gita ideal of the karmayogin, and also to Jesus' Sermon on the Mount; and recently to the writings of Thoreau, Ruskin and more especially Tolstoy. But his practical application of it in the social and political spheres was entirely his own.

  Satyagraha, in the narrower sense, takes many forms. Primarily it is a case of appealing to the reason and conscience of the opponent by inviting suffering on oneself. The motive is to convert the opponent and make him one's willing ally and friend. It is based on the idea that the moral appeal to the heart and conscience is, in the case of human beings, more effective than an appeal based on threat of bodily pain or violence. Indeed violence, according to Gandhiji, does not ever overcome evil; it suppresses it for the time being to rise later with redoubled vigour. Non-violence, on the other hand, puts an end to evil, for it converts the evil-doer.

  But the non-violence which thus overcomes evil is not the passive resistance of the weak. The non-violence of a Satyagrahi is unflinching. It is the non-violence of the brave. It will lead the Satyagrahi to die with a smile on his lips and with no trace of hatred in his heart. It presupposes a disciplined character, selflessness and unswerving devotion to duty. The passive resister, or the one who adopts non-violence as policy, on the other hand, is really not non-violent, for he would be violent if he could, and is non-violent only because he does not for the time being have the means or the capacity for violence. It is a far cry, therefore, from passive resistance to Satyagraha.

  Satyagraha may take the form of non-co-operation. When it does, it is not non-co-operation with the evil-doer but with his evil deed. This is an important distinction. The Satyagrahi cooperates with the evil-doer in what is good, for he has no hatred for him. On the contrary, he has nothing but friendship for him. Through cooperating with him in what is not evil, the Satyagrahi wins him over from evil.

  Satyagraha may at times take the form of fasting, When it does, there is to be no trace of self in the motive. The fast should be prompted by the highest devotion to duty and love for the opponent. It should aim at purifying oneself, for lack of capacity to convince the opponent shows defect in oneself. It should seek to influence the opponent by converting him, not by coercing him to do something against his conviction. Fasting should be undertaken, according to Gandhiji, only when one is thoroughly convinced of the Tightness of one's stand, when all other methods have failed, and as a last resort, and never for personal gain. It should be in the nature of prayer for purity and strength and power from God.

  Satyagraha in the political sphere assumes the form of Civil Disobedience. It is for this form of Satyagraha that Gandhiji came to be most reputed. It means mass resistance on a non-violent basis against the Government when negotiations and constitutional methods have failed. It is called 'civil' because it is non-violent resistance by people who are ordinarily law-abiding citizens; also because the laws which they choose to disobey are not moral laws but only such as are harmful to the people. It is civil also in the sense that those who break the law are to observe the greatest courtesy and gentleness in regard to those who enforce the law. They are even to seek not to embarrass the opponent if possible.

  Gandhiji organized such Satyagraha for the first time in South Africa against humiliating laws enforced by the South African Government on Indians in that country. With the experience so gained, he organized successfully peasant Satyagraha in Champaran, Kheda, and Bardoli to remove specific local grievances.

  But Satyagraha can also be on a nation-wide scale to resist an entire Government when that Government is corrupt and demoralizes the people. It may then take the form of non-co-operation with the Government, as it did in Gandhiji's Civil Disobedience movements of 1920-22, 1930-34 and 1940-44 in India. Non-co-operation may express itself in giving up titles and honours bestowed by the Government, resignation from Government service, withdrawal from the police and military, non-payment of taxes, boycott of courts, schools and legislatures, and running parallel institutions to perform these functions. Gandhiji, however, was very cautious in regard to some of these forms of non-co-operation, as they were likely to bring down on the people the wrath of an indignant Government, and he did not want the people to suffer more than was necessary from Government repression.

  Such Civil Disobedience demands on the part of the people disciplined group action, infinite capacity for suffering without retaliation, and strict obedience to leaders. As this discipline and obedience are not, as in the case of the military, based on force, the leaders have to be men of character and public service, whom the people respect and willingly obey. This implies that the leaders are men who generally carry on various forms of constructive service for the people. Gandhiji, therefore, emphasized working of his Constructive Programme as essential for Satyagraha; and not only for this reason, but also because discipline and group action need to be built up steadily among the people. They have to be taught, for example, cooperation, communal unity, fearlessness, consideration for the social good, self-help and resourcefulness, and have to have physical, mental and moral strength. All this can be done only through various forms of constructive endeavour advocated by Gandhiji, such as working for economic self-sufficiency in villages; education, abolition of drink and untouchability, communal concord, uplift of women, sanitation, hygiene, improved diet, child welfare, and so on. Satyagraha in the political sphere is not, therefore, a plan of action adopted merely for a time, wound up thereafter, and requiring no further effort; it presupposes day to day non-political constructive work aiming at the all-around development of the individual from the cradle to the grave.

  In this respect Satyagraha or non-violent resistance, as conceived by Gandhiji, has an important lesson for pacifists and war-resisters of the West. Western pacifists have so far proved ineffective because they have thought that war can be resisted by mere propaganda, conscientious objection, and organization for settling disputes. Gandhiji showed that non-violence to be effective requires constructive effort in every sphere of life, individual, social, economic
and political. These spheres have to be organized and refashioned in such a way that the people will have learnt to be non-violent in their daily lives, manage their affairs on a cooperative and non-violent basis, and thus have acquired sufficient strength and resourcefulness to be able to offer non-violent resistance against organized violence. The practice of non-violence in the political sphere is not, therefore, a mere matter of preaching or even of establishing arbitration courts or Leagues of Nations, but involves building up brick by brick with patience and industry a new non-violent social and economic order. It depends ultimately on banishing violence from the heart of the individual, and making of him a transformed disciplined person. Gandhiji's contribution lay in evolving the necessary technique and showing by example how all this can be done.

  There can be no doubt that in developing Satyagraha in its various forms as a practical means of overcoming violence, more especially in group life, Gandhiji established a new mile-stone in the history of the human race in its march towards peace on earth and goodwill among men. He himself did not claim finality for his methods, as after all he was a pioneer in the field and a humble experimenter. The science of Satyagraha is therefore still in the making. But his teachings and experience are invaluable for all future students and makers of this science. The purpose of this volume is to help in the process by making available for the reader Gandhiji's findings in his own words and in as comprehensive a form as possible.

  Bharatan Kumarappa

  Bombay, August, 1950

  From my introductory note to Section Eighth the impression is created that the Harijan after its suspension in November 1940 was permitted to be published again only in February, 1946. This is wrong. As a matter of fact it was restarted in January, 1942, after a lapse of about 14 months. It was published in three separate languages (English, Gujarati and Hindi) by the Navajivan Press from Ahmedabad till August of that year when the press was confiscated by the Government after the arrest of Gandhiji and other leaders. Since that time the press remained in the custody of the Government and the publication of the Harijan weeklies could be resumed only in February, 1946.